![]() ![]() As one CEO, Tom Burt of ES&S, politely explained, “Congresswoman, we’re a private company, so we’ll keep that information private.”Īs 2020 fades, a growing vanguard of academics, good-government advocates and even Silicon Valley executives are turning their attention from the security of voting technology toward the companies who build and sell it. Susan Davis, a Democrat from California, asked each of them if they could share their annual profits. Last year on Capitol Hill, when CEOs from each of the three major voting companies testified before Congress, then-Rep. It is an industry funded entirely by taxpayers, and administered mostly by private equity, on whose work democracy completely depends-and which even committed analysts have struggled to understand. Relative to their importance to society, few technology sectors are less well-understood than the voting systems market in the U.S. And when it came to voting machines, it was also ironic: Precisely thanks to the serious efforts of Trump’s own Department of Homeland Security, the 2020 contest was, at least technologically speaking, the most secure election in modern history. It was obvious the Big Lie about the election was patently absurd. The wonky set of experts and academics who actually study U.S. Week after week, Trump’s lawyers cast them as the hub of a grandiose conspiracy to alter the vote, one machine at a time. Over the winter, Trump publicly harangued Dominion Voting, a small company with a headquarters in Denver, and another company called Smartmatic, which barely has a footprint in the United States. But he saved his most spectacular accusations for a more obscure and implausible target: The companies that make America’s voting machines. Many of the townships pay workers different rates, Kubasiak said.When President Donald Trump began spreading the conspiracy theories about why Joe Biden beat him in November’s election, he swung at all the glitzy targets: The media, Democrats, China. No one knows how many will use the early nine days to vote.Īnother issue with the consolidation of early voting is pay for workers. Because why start with a presidential primary with a big change like that." "If we had one, I would do it just to practice. Morrison wished there was a local election to test any new procedure. Because I'm concerned, we're about 10 months away from the actual presidential primary date, and the state hasn't even got a clue." The Coldwater clerk, who hosts election training sessions for all clerks and elections workers in the county, admitted, "I'm just so frustrated. ![]() And you have the other townships on the printout. If townships are combined on a machine, after nine days of voting, "What do you do on Tuesday? You can't zero the machine now because that tells how people voted. Clerks might need to bring the tabulators from each precinct. I think the last election, we had more than 50 different ballot styles in November." "If you start combining townships together, you could run into 20 different ballot styles to try and keep track of. One suggestion is to hold the nine days of early voting at a central location, possibly the Dearth Center in Coldwater, for all municipalities and townships - or combine several townships at four locations. ![]() Those are the ones that are trying to implement first," Kubasiak said. "Those changes apply to every election, not just state and federal elections. More: Proposal 2: Voting rights proposal approved in MichiganĪlso, a new rule allows registered voters without a state ID to sign an affidavit attesting to their identity and vote. State officials are first dealing with the new requirement of state-funded postage for absentee applications and ballots for local elections in May. "It's not even top of the list," Kubasiak said. ![]()
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